진보신당 연대회의 정책개발 연구용역 보고서
정치관계법의 문제와
개선방향
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제1장 서론 |
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1. 문제의 제기 |
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2. 연구의 방법 |
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제2장 현행 정치관계법 하의 문제점 |
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1. 선거권을 배제당하는 사람들 |
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2. 최선의 선택을 할 권리 박탈 |
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3. 대의되지 않는 유권자의 선택 |
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4. 왜곡된 정치개혁론의 횡행 |
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(1) 국회의 정부견제 기능 약화 |
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(2) 대의의 대의, 기준 없는 위원회의 난립 |
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(3) 실질을 무시한 파퓰리즘, 의원정수 축소 논의 |
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(4) 정당정치를 부정하는 정당개혁론 |
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(5) 책임정치의 포기 |
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(6) 기타 |
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5. 소결 |
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제3장 공직선거법의 제 문제 |
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1. 총론적 문제 - 목적과 괴리된 법률 구조 |
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(1) 지나치게 복잡한 법률의 구조 |
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(2) 기득권의 보장 - 현역의원들의 편의 |
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(3) 중복적 규제기구 |
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2. 통상적 정치활동 및 선거운동의 과도한 규제 |
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(1) 투표시간의 제한 |
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(2) 정치적 표현의 자유 억압 |
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(3) 선거운동방식의 다양성 억제 |
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1) 기탁금제도 |
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2) ‘기간’의 문제 |
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3) 다양한 선거운동방식의 제한 |
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① 선거운동의 주체의 제한 |
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② 선거운동의 제한 |
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3. 민주적 정당성을 결여한 공직자 선출제도 |
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(1) 결선투표제 |
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(2) 비례대표제 |
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4. 대안 |
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제4장 정당법 및 정치자금법 |
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1. 정당법의 제 문제 |
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(1) 과도한 정당설립 요건 |
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1) 인적 및 공간적 제약 |
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2) 당원 자격의 불합리한 제한 |
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(2) 지구당의 폐지로 인한 문제 |
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(3) 정당등록취소의 조건에 관한 문제 |
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2. 정치자금법의 제 문제 |
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(1) 타 정치관계법과 관계 및 방향정립 |
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(2) 국고보조금 배분의 문제 |
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(3) 정당후원회의 부활 및 후원금 모금 방식 개선 |
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(4) 정치자금 사용의 투명성 확보 |
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제5장 결론 및 제언 |
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1. 종합 및 정리 |
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2. 보론 및 당 대응 방향에 대한 제언 |
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(1) 더불어 생각해야 할 문제들 |
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1) 기초자치단체의 장 및 기초의원의 정당공천제 폐지 문제 |
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2) 국회의원 특권 폐지 |
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(2) 당 차원의 정치관계법 개혁 TFT 구성 및 대외적 활동방안 |
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[참고자료1] 브리티시 컬럼비아 시민회의(BCCA) 사례 |
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[참고자료2] 뉴질랜드의 독일식 정당명부 비례대표제 도입 사례 |
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[요약]
각종 선거의 결과를 통해 확인할 수 있듯이, 현행 각종 정치관계법은 절차적 민주주의의 요건을 제대로 충족하지도 못하고 있으며, 정치발전을 가로막는 장애물이 되고 있다. 각 정치관계법의 제정취지와 시행의 효율이 담보되지 않은 상황에서 유권자 일부는 실질적으로 참정권이 박탈당하는 상황에 이르렀다. 또한 민의가 충실히 반영되지 않는 공직선거로 인하여 국민의 3분의 1의 지지도 얻지 못하는 대통령이 속출하고 있으며, 국회의원 선거에서 정당을 지지하는 유권자들의 비례성이 확보되지 않는 등의 문제가 발생한다. 이러한 문제들은 공직선거법, 정당법, 정치자금법 등 각종 정치관계법이 가지고 있는 총체적인 한계에서 기인한다.
공직선거법은 전 세계적으로도 유래를 찾아보기 힘들 정도로 규제일변도의 태도를 취하고 있다. “말은 풀고 돈은 묶는다”는 선거의 원칙은 깨지고, 공직선거에 출마한 후보자와 각 정당은 물론 유권자들의 정치적 의사표현의 자유를 공공연하게 제한하고 있다. 과도한 기탁금제도와 연령제한 및 공무원과 교사의 정치참여 금지가 절차적 민주주의가 발전할 여지를 주지 않는다. 선거운동에 대한 각종 규제로 인하여 유권자들은 공직선거에 출마한 사람들의 면면을 제대로 확인하지도 못한 채 투표에 참여하게 됨으로써 민의를 적실하게 반영하지 못하게 된다. 현행 공직선거법은 전면적인 대수술이 아니고서는 그 기능을 수행할 수 없는 지경이다.
정당법은 헌법이 보장하고 있는 정당설립의 자유와 정당의 정치활동의 자유가 국가의 개입에 의해 제한될 수 있도록 하고 있다. 정당의 자율성과 자발성을 근거로 하는 자치구조를 법률에 의해 지나치게 세밀하게 제한하고 있다. 중앙당을 서울에 두도록 하는 규정이나 5개 광역 시도당을 가져야 한다는 규정 및 각 시도당은 1천 명 이상의 당원을 가져야 한다는 규정 등은 지역기반의 정당이 등장할 수 없도록 원천봉쇄하는 한편, 정당설립의 자유를 제도적으로 제한하는 한계가 된다. 당원이 될 수 없는 사람의 요건을 광범위하게 함으로써 국민 개개인의 정치참여의 의사를 위축하게 만들고 있다.
군소정당이 불리함을 감수하지 않을 수 없도록 만들고 있는 정치자금법의 문제 역시 심각하다. 현행 정치자금법은 헌법이 보장하고 있는 정당에 대한 국가의 재정지원을 거대 정당에게 유리하게 하고, 여타의 재정확보방안에 있어 군소정당의 활동폭을 축소하게 만들고 있다. 정치자금법의 이러한 구조로 인하여 진성당원제를 중심으로 당의 자립도가 높은 군소정당은 오히려 재정압박을 받게 되고, 당비에 의한 재정자립도가 낮은 반면 혈세를 통한 국가재정지원의 비율이 높은 거대정당들은 더 많은 정치활동을 벌일 수 있게 되어 있다. 정당 간 부익부빈익빈 현상을 가중시키는 정치자금법의 대폭적인 개정이 필요하다.
진보신당은 정치관계법 개정이 당의 향후 정치활동을 위한 중요한 포석이 됨을 인식해야 한다. 정치관계법의 개정이 곧바로 진보신당에게 유리한 국면을 만들어내는 것은 아님이 분명하지만, 제도개선을 통해 진보신당 스스로의 활로를 개척하고, 특히 이 과정에서 참정권을 박탈당한 노동자 민중에게 다시 권리를 돌려줄 수 있는 방법을 고민해야 하는 것이 진보신당이 가져야 할 의무 중 하나임을 확인해야 한다. 이를 위하여 본 보고서는 진보신당이 정치관계법 개정을 위한 당 내 TFT를 구성할 것을 제안한다. 이 TFT는 진보신당의 정치관계법 대안을 보다 명확히 하는 한편, 대외적으로 정치관계법 개정의 필요성을 알리고 이를 통해 기성 정치인들이 정치관계법 개정을 하지 않을 수 없도록 압박하는 역할을 수행해야 할 것이다.
